PRIMARY SOURCES
Primary sources refers to written
documents that originate within history that bring to light new ideas
or perspectives that are then used in commentaries and analyses.
Primary sources are the seeds of thought that then sprout extensions.
The Constitution of the United States is one of these primary
sources, as are the The Federalist Papers. The Federalist Papers was
a series of publications written in 1787 and 1788 by Alexander
Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay to support the ratification of
the United States Constitution. Three of the Founding Fathers of
America built a case for ratification but also, in the process,
outlined in broad strokes the philosophy and structures upon which
the new republic was based.
Primary sources are important for many
reasons, not the least of which is to explore ideas that have proved
generative over time. Every discipline one can name has its primary
sources. Every scientific experiment, for instance, can be considered
a primary source for what comes after it. It is important to trace
back to the origins of ideas in order to understand how they have
come into being and to then develop some perspective on our
contemporary thinking. In this way we gain some deeper understanding
of the original context for certain ideas and to see how they have
evolved. I think asking the question about how true we are to the
original is always a good one. What wisdom can we gain from examining
the primary sources? Is it useful to know how our own ideas have been
changed over time from the original forms? It is part of accepted
wisdom in some cultures and traditions to think of the commentaries
on primary sources as elevated and original in their own rights, even
though their foundations can be traced back in time to a more durable
document or narrative. It is also important to think of primary
sources as beginnings and not ends. They serve us as points of
departure in further explorations of thought extensions. They
themselves may be extensions of previous seeds but they need to be
organic and elastic sources for future ideas.
Politics is the ocean in which all of
us swim and it has been so since time immemorial, since humans began
to congregate and codify their beliefs. In its broadest meaning,
politics constitutes the agreements factions of people have about how
to manage their collective affairs. I suppose even primeval
communities had their own methods of governance that allowed for the
tribe to survive in a world hostile to their own interests. I think
“factions” is a good way to look at politics, as most collective
efforts at governance are composed of a set of minorities within a
cohesive group. What was true for hunter/gatherers is true for us
today. When the colonists decided to separate themselves from what
they considered an oppressive monarchy, they were defining their set
of beliefs against the backdrop of another set composed of its own
factions. Factional prerogatives are not new to contemporary
governments. Returning to primary sources challenges us to reexamine
our own assumptions about what we think we know or what seems to us
to be inherited wisdom. We are challenged to observe the contexts of
our own lives as evolutionary steps in a changing landscape of human
behavior.
What has grown more prominent in
present times about factional governance are the great divides among
the factions and the growing tendency to inhabit the factional
preferences and not work toward integrating them into a larger fabric
of cooperative cohesiveness. James Madison (1751-1836) wrote
Federalist No. 10 in 1787 and it stands out from the rest as a
statement of philosophy for the remainder. It is a primary source for
understanding the perspective of one founding father and to see how
it has contributed to our present day politics, if at all. He has
written about how a “well constructed union” must deal with the
“violence of faction.”
“The instability, injustice and
confusion introduced into the public councils, have in truth been the
mortal diseases under which popular governments have every where
perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics
from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious
declamations.”
“To secure the public good, and
private rights against the danger of such a faction, and at the same
time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is
then the great object to which our enquiries are directed.”
In effect, Madison concluded that the
common good is supported by having enough representatives to dilute
the “cabals of a few; and that however large it may be, they must
be limited to a certain number, in order to guard against the
confusion of a multitude.” He acknowledged that any system designed
to protect the rights of all would inevitably produce
“inconveniences” for all factions. He is writing here about the
elements of a system of governance that contribute to the maintenance
of its parts and to the health of the whole. His summary takes into
account the natural tendency for humans to have opinions that
aggregate in factions. He is perspicacious about human behavior to
include safeguards against the tyrannies of both majorities and
minorities. To this end, he supports the structures established in
the Constitution that both energize and limit equal and fair
treatment of all citizens. It should be noted that Madison also swam
in the ocean of the politics of his time and held slaves all his
life. The slave trade was permitted under the constitution and he was
the one who proposed that apportionment of the United States Senate
be based on each state's free population and slave population that
led to the Three-Fifths Compromise (1787-1868) that assigned to
slaves a three-fifths fraction of a whole human being for determining
representation and taxation in the states. Even in the times in which
human equality and rights were being debated, the assumptions made
about what constituted a human being were being drawn up along lines
of race and a defined minority. Our assumptions today about the
individuals we consider to be enlightened intellects were also human
beings with clay feet and we can learn a great deal about the threads
of history that persist today in our own society. Good ideas and bad
ideas are part of the mix of politics. Madison recognized that and
proposed mechanisms for limiting those ideas that allowed for
factions to triumph over the common good.
In times in which the structures of
stable government (for good or ill) are being questioned and, it
could be asserted, marginalized or ignored altogether, it is
important to be clear about the truth of the changes and their
rationale. Where the changes seem to be random and at the whim of
egoic passion, it is even more important to be awake to the extent to
which they represent a danger to the pursuit of freedom and attempts
at equality and justice. I think any time judgments are presented as
simple and intuitive all of us must be alert to their validity and
applicability. Returning to primary sources can be a method by which
we can evaluate the validity of moves by one faction to favor their
own causes, thus causing disruption to the fabric of governance that
covers all citizens. We are left at the mercy of demagogues and
tyrants if we do not excavate the legitimacy of history and what
lessons it can teach us. Primary sources are a priceless reservoir of
wisdom and balance that are accessible to us in our quest for
understanding our 21st century American character. They
are equally important for those values of enduring worth and to see
the values once considered true that no longer serve our ongoing
struggles to attain the lofty ideals of the founding fathers, those
inalienable rights encoded in our national psyche.
Concepts of governance and what we are
now experiencing change all the time but depend on structures
established centuries ago. We jettison those structures at our
national peril, just as we entertain chaos and despotism when any
structures of self-governance (families qualify here, as well) begin
to break down. One of our hopes for stabilization is what Madison
presented as a bulwark against such chaos and that is to dilute the
power of factions by a sufficient number of agreeable representatives
(families don't work under this proviso most of the time). Tensions
and pressures of individual and group prejudices will always be
present in how we govern ourselves. This contributes to the strength
of the republic if kept in balance and also contributes to
opportunities for change as we examine the fundamental properties of
the system.
It is worthwhile to point out that
politics might be the ocean in which we swim every day, but
consulting and studying primary sources applies to any discipline or
corner of our lives that we might otherwise take for granted. We must
be ever alert to the tendency to freeze ideas and treat them as
inflexible dogma. The power of curiosity and the practice of inquiry
are instrumental in our attempts to dig as deeply as we can into the
hierarchies of power and influence that affect our lives. In this
sense, there is a reason to question what is presented as “common
sense” or as common knowledge. Knowledge can become diluted and
subject to the contexts of different oceans (like those of the
sciences, the arts, economics, education, etc.) in which all of us
swim from time to time. We need to remain wakeful and alert to what
we hold as prejudices and acknowledge partial truths, our partial
understandings, and how everything changes over time. If we cannot
know the future (and we can't), then often the best we can do is to
question what we do know and that often relies on history and its
primary sources. We would be wise to consult them and wiser still if
we can learn from them. When we can understand their teachings, then
we are better able to make the changes that will benefit more of us
citizens in our collective efforts to make better lives for all. Let
us never assume we know all the answers to problems and so let us
always keep a healthy practice of inquiry. What is it? Is it true? Do
we believe what we do because we need to believe we are right? What
assumptions are we making today about our lives that we might change
by referring to primary sources? What seeds are we cultivating?
Since I crafted the ideas above, the
House of Representatives has begun impeachment proceedings against
President Trump. I reread my comments with this pivotal event in mind
and I think what I have written stands the test of relevance. I
didn't change any of it, knowing what I do about the present events.
I believe that our democracy is strong enough in the institutions
encoded in our constitution to withstand the insults of a demagogue
and the processes by which he can be removed from the seat of power.
We are returning to primary sources for the support and strength we
need in these times.